The Narrative Of White Supremacy

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DD
Listening closely, Trump’s skillful deflection within the white supremacist narrative has three parts. First, it avoids the use of the term white supremacy, Nazi or neo-Nazi, and uses the sanitized sticker, alt-right, a less emotionally charged term that doesn’t churn up centuries of violence by officials and citizens or the lasting political imprint of oppression from rights and freedom denied. With a simple word change, Trump closes the door on decades of history and evidence. That door becomes a means that denies the storehouse of hate speech and thought, strategy and tactics, official and popular abuse hidden behind it—including the tactic of sheltering hate and violence in place, behind closed doors of denial and new labels.

Secondly, Trump takes advantage of the failure of many to recognize that white supremacists have deep strategies of justification. Its unique blame-shifting blames its victims as it plays the victim! This double tap is a Trump staple and favorite. Cruelty is simply self-defense or truth spoken, whether physically, politically or through violence; its victims the problem.

Omaha Court House Lynching, 1919.

Omaha Court House Lynching, 1919.

 

Strategies of White Supremacy

Strategically, by omitting details of their actions, white supremacy reduces its internal threat to a mere difference of positions, despite arriving at rallies with clubs, guns, and shields, and leaving as a legacy, tapes of brutal beatings. The narrative of white supremacy ties itself to patriotism. So Gen. Lee, a West Point graduate who resigned his US Army commission, joining the Confederacy to fight against the US, is given false equivalency of George Washington. The protests (and issue) are not about slave owners, but confront white supremacists who sought–and still seek–to assert oppression by color and heritage, by restricting civil liberties and economic opportunities. In the case of statues, Civil War generals.

The white supremacist narrative reframes slavery and segregation as states rights, claims support from uncounted masses; and appeals to emotion and the tradition of white privilege. It reframes its quest for white power today as fighting back against minority gains, some suggesting genocide of whites is being promoted by equality and inclusion.

Finally, the white supremacy narrative leaves its worse impulses unspoken, and this is where the President may have gone too far in revealing by his support to the country the horror of its rhetoric and violence.. Not in over a century has a major political leader mounted an open defense of white supremacy; yet Trump echoes its most egregious strategies. His narrative denies evidence. He redefines violence into a false history!

Slave Scarred by Whipping.

Slave Scarred by Whipping.

Lee surrendered in 1865. But white supremacists fight on, never in the name of justice or America, never for progress and equality–but for white “culture”–a legacy of acts and ideas of oppression and violence that were in their minds, self defense–or in Trump’s words, part of the “blame on both sides.”

Trump, of course, never mentions his one-sided attacks against the media and leaders who point to white supremacy as cause and effect.

Let’s become knowledgeable of the threat of white supremacy; its persistent views and strategies, so we know and recognize its displays in rhetoric and violence.

 

The Creed of White Supremacy

What is white supremacy? Texas defined it pretty well in its Article of Secession, describing itself as “a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution known as negro slavery–the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits–a relation that had existed from the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time.”

Trump’s claim, “We all pray to the same god,” tried to establish a national religion! We don’t “all” pray to the same god—as Trump knows from his Muslim ban! That is an alt-right dog whistle, tying Christianity as granting divine privilege, authority and dominion over those not white or washed by Jesus.

Texas, as do many of today’s conservatives and extremists, also condemned, “States proclaiming the debasing doctrine of equality of all men, irrespective of race or color–a doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of Divine Law.”

With few shifts, a line runs from Texas’ declaration, debated, written, and approved on the cusp of the Civil War, to the violence and deaths in Charlottesville, and ahead. White supremacists continually reject Gen. Lee’s final order (No. 9): to “return to their homes” and “avoid useless sacrifice.”

Charlottesville, VA. August 12, 2017. Car Striking Protesters.

Charlottesville, VA. August 12, 2017. Car Striking Protesters.

Violence Is An Artifact Of America's History Chest

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DD
You need to get a life, conservatives, if you are excited by the vicarious thrill of tough talk with North Korea. Seriously, you are hyped by bully threats? And who thinks the street brawl in Charlottesville and its state of emergency is about a stature, that still stands?

In a lateral world of violence driven by wealth, those left behind the honey pot turn their frustration and pain to the psychological greed of division and hate. Their violence deflects and goes horizontal–it brings confusion. That confusion avoids recognizing the contemporary ties between violence and wealth, and today’s proxy wars over power and ideology. As we see in Charlottesville, contemporary violence as isolated incidents, or organized for an ideological agenda, or to affirm national hegemony ties the violent continuity of the Right to fights that go back to Cuba and civil rights–and to the Civil War.

Does the new alt-right political correctness—expressed with shields and clubs–honor a defeated war general with an army of the 11 states that broke with the Union (the constitution does not provide for succession!) to fight for state rights?

The principle right defended by Lee’s army–expressed in every state’s Articles of Secession—was the right of slavery: the right to buy, sell and own human beings different by color and heritage, an inviolate right according to the Articles of Texas, “a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution known as negro slavery–the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits– a relation that had existed from the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time.”

Texas also gave firm witness of opposition to diversity and equality: “non-slave-holding States proclaim the debasing doctrine of equality of all men, irrespective of race or color–a doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of Divine Law.”

This idea, that equality and diversity threatens freedom, that opportunity means “giving away” what was fixed as white privilege, is why fights in the streets surround the surrendered general, who suggested in his last order, everybody “return home” to “avoid useless sacrifice.”

Time has degraded Lee’s recognition of “valour and devotion” to raw expressions of brutality and hate. With Nazi symbols and Confederate battle flags, the alt-right, spoiling for a fight, bring shame to the general they claim to honor. They want to dress slavery in new clothes by plying symbols of hate they call heritage. So far, we have three dead. Flag-wrapped in the hate of the past.

Trump false equivalency of the street violence in Charlottesville did not denounce David Duke specific linking the violence to Trump’s avowed campaign goal. Duke said the alt right was following Trump’s imperative and “taking our country back.”

But Trump’s bluster on North Korea, driven by the same, shared impulses, seem intent on blowing it up.

charloettesville

(FILES) This file photo taken on July 08, 2017 shows members of the Ku Klux Klan and others arriving for a rally, calling for the protection of Southern Confederate monuments, in Charlottesville, Virginia on July 8, 2017. A sizeable contingent of members of the extreme right and white nationalists are expected to descend on a small US university town on August 12, 2017 -- and a fierce opposition front is uniting against it.Thousands of white nationalists, including supporters of the Ku Klux Klan white supremacist group, and anti-fascist activists are expected to clash in Charlottesville, Virginia, a sleepy town planning to remove a statue of General Robert E. Lee, who led Confederate forces in the US Civil War.  / AFP PHOTO / ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDSANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS/AFP/Getty Images

(FILES) This file photo taken on July 08, 2017 shows members of the Ku Klux Klan and others arriving for a rally, calling for the protection of Southern Confederate monuments, in Charlottesville, Virginia on July 8, 2017.
A sizeable contingent of members of the extreme right and white nationalists are expected to descend on a small US university town on August 12, 2017 — and a fierce opposition front is uniting against it.Thousands of white nationalists, including supporters of the Ku Klux Klan white supremacist group, and anti-fascist activists are expected to clash in Charlottesville, Virginia, a sleepy town planning to remove a statue of General Robert E. Lee, who led Confederate forces in the US Civil War.
/ AFP PHOTO / ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDSANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS/AFP/Getty Images

 

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